Matt Hancock denies being a liar and says Dominic Cummings created ‘culture of fear’ which undermined Covid response – live | Politics

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Hancock denies being liar and says Cummings to blame for ‘toxic culture’ in No 10

Keith asks why people like Dominic Cummings thought Hancock was a liar?

“I was not,” says Hancock. He says no one in his department has supported these false allegations.

And people did not say this to him at the time, he says.

Keith says the inquiry has no interest in the allegation that Johnson considered sacking Hancock, because it will not be possible to get to the truth of what happened.

Hancock says the inquiry could get to the truth of this matter if it wanted to.

He says the “toxic culture” in No 10 was essentially caused by Cummings.

Matt Hancock accuses Dominic Cummings of creating ‘culture of fear’ at No 10 – video

He describes Cummings as a “malign actor”.

He says Cummings made the situation unpleasant, and he made things unpleasant for his (Hancock’s) staff too.

But he just got on with things, he says.

Key events

Cabinet secretary Mark Sedwill thought Hancock hit testing target via ‘creative counting’, inquiry hears

Keith shows Hancock a message he got from Mark Sedwill on 1 May 2020 congratulating him on meeting his target to get testing up to 100,000 tests per day. It was widely said that Hancock only met this target by fiddling the methodology, and Sedwill seems to acknowledge this, congratulating Hancock on “creative counting”.

Message from Sedwill
Message from Sedwill. Photograph: Covid inquiry

Asked if he was engaged in creative counting, Hancock rejects that. He says he achieved the target on every possible measure.

Hancock says there’s ‘spectacular imbalance’ between spending to counter military threats and health threats

Hancock says the government spends £50bn on defence. But it spends less than £500m on the UK Health Security Agency. That is less than 1% of spending going on health security.

Yet health security failings have killed more civilians than terrorism has, he says. He says that is a “spectacular imbalance”.

And he says the head of UKHSA should sit in on the national security council the whole time, instead of just when health topics are being discussed.

Referring to what he said earlier about initially being refused permission to hold a Cobra meeting in January (see 12.36am), he says that if he had gone to the cabinet secretary and said there was a 50/50 chance of a terror attack killing 100,000 people, there would have been a Cobra meeting – and the PM would have chaired it.

Keith asks about Public Health England.

Hancock says its scientific work was superb. At one point it was doing half the genomic sequencing in the world.

But it did not have the capacity to scale up, he says.

And he says it did not want to engage with private companies able to help expand testing capacity.

Back at the Covid inquiry, Hugo Keith KC shows Hancock a paper with referenes to what was said at Sage at various points about what damage might be done to the NHS by a pandemic. Here is one entry.

Advice from Sage
Advice from Sage Photograph: Covid inquiry

Q: Did the government have a view as to when the NHS would be overwhelmed?

Hancock says no one fully knew what that would look like, “but we knew it would be catastrophic”.

This would mean people going without treatment, Hancock says. And he says he was determined that would not happen.

He says the crisis point would depend on various factors, like staffing ratios. In intensive care it is normally one member of staff to one patient. During Covid, at some points that went up to one to six patients.

The NHS would have survived, he says.

But he says, if it had been overwhelmed, it would not have been able to offer care to everyone.

Rishi Sunak speaking to students at the University of Surrey in Guildford this morning.
Rishi Sunak speaking to students at the University of Surrey in Guildford this morning. Photograph: Reuters

Alba party calls for referendum on giving Scottish parliament power to negotiate independence

Libby Brooks

Libby Brooks

In a move that appears as much designed to further annoy the SNP government as advance the cause of independence, Alex Salmond’s Alba party is proposing a referendum on whether the powers of the Scottish parliament should be extended to include the power to legislate for and negotiate independence.

The former SNP leadership candidate Ash Regan, who defected to Alba last month, told a press conference this morning that she would introduce a member’s bill to consult the people of Scotland 10 years on from the 2014 independence referendum.

But Regan admitted that she had not yet spoken to any fellow MSPs about her plan – a member’s bill needs 18 proposers from three parties – but said she saw “no reason” why the Scottish government wouldn’t back it. She did this while sitting alongside the Alba leader, Alex Salmond, who last week launched a multi-million pound damages claim against the very same Scottish government.

Regan also noted that the parliament’s non-government bills department is already “at capacity”.

Salmond boasted that “hardly a day goes by” when he doesn’t speak to SNP parliamentarians, but would not name any SNP MSPs he thought likely to support the bill.

Salmond also revealed that the proposed bill had been his plan B in 2012 in the event of David Cameron refusing an independence referendum.

Both Salmond and Regan insisted their plan, which includes a “consultation” with the wider independence movement, would break the constitutional logjam around a route to another referendum.

At SNP conference in October, the party leader and first minister Humza Yousaf urged members to stop talking about process and convince voters how independence was relevant to the cost of living crisis. The party also agreed that if the SNP wins a majority of Scotland’s Westminster seats at the general election, it will have the mandate to negotiate independence with the UK government.

The Covid inquiry has stopped for a 10-minute break.

Q: Why did the government not wait to see what impact the “stay at home” order on 16 March, and subsequent measures, had before ordering the full, “politically divisive” lockdown on 23 March?

Hancock says the lockdown was not divisive at the time.

First, Covid was growing exponentially. As a trained economist, he is used to dealing with exponential curves, he says.

(That seems to be a reference to Sir Patrick Vallance telling the inquiry that many politicians did not understand exponential graphs.)

And Hancock says the evidence at that point implied the measures in place were not getting R, the reproduction number, below 1.

Keith shows the inquiry an extract from Hancock’s witness statement in which Hancock explains why he thinks lockdown should have started much earlier.

Extract from Hancock's witness statement
Extract from Hancock’s witness statement Photograph: Covid inquiry

Hancock defends saying increasing testing and contact tracing ‘in hand’ on 14 March 2020

Keith shows Hancock an exchange of messages on 14 March 2020 where Hancock says they need to ramp up contact tracing, and scale up testing. He says both measures are “in hand”.

Exchanges on 14 March 2020
Exchanges on 14 March 2020 Photograph: Covid inquiry

But, Keith says, testing had stopped, and there was no contact tracing.

Q: Why did you say they were in hand?

Hancock says he had issued instructions to reverse both those measures.

On testing, the problem was the shortage of tests. He subsequently took responsibility for testing back from Public Health England into DHSC, and he escalated it.

And he says PHE had stopped contact tracing. Hancock says he arranged for it to resume, on a large scale. And self-contact tracing was introduced, which became the app.

He says this is what the reference to these measures being “in hand” is about. Both became big programmes.

Lady Hallett, the chair, asks if these measures were actually “in hand” on 14 March.

Hancock says he meant he was making them happen.

Hancock recalls a meeting with his Italian counterpart, Roberto Speranzain, in early March. He says that had a big impact on him, because in the UK they assumed the Italians had launched lockdown-type measures early. But the Italian health minister said he thought they should have acted earlier.

UPDATE: Hancock said:

We thought the Italians had acted early, but he was saying he wished he’d acted earlier this.

And this argument that you should delay and time it right, he had no truck with.

And so that had a very significant impact on me. And that was the point at which I started actively agitating for very firm action, for a lockdown.

I spoke to the prime minister, I emailed him that evening.

Keith refers to the debate about the concern that, if the virus was suppressed completely, it would bounce back later in the year.

Q: To what extent did this slow down making policy?

Very little, says Hancock. He says they rapidly decided it was best to suppress the virus.

Hancock repeats his claim that he told Boris Johnson in a call on Friday 13 February he should order a lockdown.

Keith asks if Hancock has a record of this not disclosed to the inquiry.

Hancock says he doesn’t have that, only a record that a call took place.

But he says he knows what he said in that call.

Hancock says, with hindsight, lockdown should have started on 2 March 2020, cutting death toll in first wave by 90%

Hancock says, with hindsight, the government should have acted on 28 February.

He says, if they had taken a decision on Friday 28 February, they could have introduced a lockdown on Monday 2 March.

That was three weeks earlier than when it was introduced, he says.

There’s a doubling rate at this point, estimated, every three to four days. We would have been six doublings ahead of where we were, which means that fewer than a tenth of the number of people would have died in the first wave.

Hancock says the costs of this approach were “known and huge”. So he defends the action that the government took.

But with hindsight, that’s the moment we should have done it, three weeks earlier, and it would have saved many, many lives.

UPDATE: Hancock said:

With hindsight – Italy having locked down initially, locally in Lombardy on January 21, and then nationally locked down around also February 28 – if at that moment, having seen the Sage assumptions … if at that moment, we’d realised that it was definitely coming and the reasonable worst case scenario was as awful as it was, that is the moment that we should, with hindsight, have acted.

And we had the doctrine that I proposed, which is as soon as you know you have got to lock down, you lock down as soon as possible, then we would have got the lockdown done over that weekend in on the second of March, three weeks earlier than before. There’s a doubling rate at this point estimated every three to four days, we would have been six doublings ahead of where we were, which means that fewer than a tenth of the number of people would have died in the first wave.

At the time, there was still enormous uncertainty, the number of cases was still very low, in fact, there were only 12 cases reported on March 1, and the costs of what I’m proposing were known and huge. So I defend the actions that were taken by the government at the time, knowing what we did, but with hindsight, that’s the moment should have done it, three weeks, and it would have saved many, many lives.

Having obviously thought about this and reflected on this a huge deal over the last few years, the first moment we realistically could have really cracked it was on March 2, three weeks earlier than we did.

Hancock says 28 February 2020 was an important day.

The night before he learned Covid had a 1% fatality rate.

At that point he was still being banned from talking to the media about Covid. He wanted to go on the Today programme.

On 28 February he spoke to Boris Johnson. He told Johnson he should chair a Cobra that day. In the end it took place the following Monday, 2 March.

He also says that he said at that point the government should lift its boycott of the Today programme. (At that point No 10 was not putting ministers on the Today programme, because Dominic Cummings objected to the programme.)

He says he regards 28 February as the moment when the centre of government fully grasped the scale of the problem.

Hancock says he started receiving Sage minutes in mid-February.

He says he now thinks he should have attended their meetings himself so he could hear what was being said.

Q: So you were not getting the minutes from the body in charge of giving scientific advice on public health?

Hancock says Sage was not the only body giving scientific advice. He says it was an important body, but says it would be wrong to “fetishise it”.

Keith asks which department was in charge of infection control.

Hancock says the Cabinet Office was in charge of infection control across the population as a whole.





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